In most places, the quality of air in America is better than ever.

As China remains blanketed by an ever-thickening haze, we in the United States can be grateful of one thing: The air is getting cleaner in most parts. The American Lung Association reported in its State of the Air 2013 that 18 cities have lower dust pollution compared to previous years, while 16 had their lowest figures ever.

 

Nevertheless, the improvement is not that widespread. About 25 million Americans live in conditions of harmful levels of ozone and particle pollution. Around 131 million people (42%) live with either type of unhealthful environment. California’s busy and highly-populated metros rank badly in the rankings, consistently topping the five most-polluted metros by ozone, year-round and short-term particulate pollution. Bakersfield, the highest for particulates among 277 metros, fares worst of all although it has already improved.

 

In general, 119 counties have levels of ozone that affect the health of citizens with “aggravated asthma, difficulty breathing, cardiovascular harm and lower birth weight”. Particulate levels in 58 counties are such that they “increase risks of heart attacks, strokes and emergency room visits for asthma and cardiovascular disease”.

Cities, such as Salt Lake City and Fairbanks, Alaska, experience more frequent short-term spikes in pollution. Out of 25 cities that had the worst short-term problems, 14 recorded more poor days than in previous reports of the “State of the Air”. According to the report, some cities experienced higher pollution arising from increased burning of wood and other fuels for heating during winter, especially with the use of highly-polluting indoor wood-stoves or outdoor wood-boilers.

Of the cleanest cities, New Mexico proudly ranks third and fifth for least particulates (Santa Fe and Farmington), Wyoming has another (Cheyenne), then Prescott, Arizona, and St. George, Utah. To help you determine your city’s ranking, the Lung Association website provides a friendly search function using the zip code.

 

“State of the Air” utilizes data gathered by the E.P.A. from 2009 to 2011. Its main objective is to promote continued enforcement of the Clean Air Act. Since 1970 when the Act was first amended, population and energy consumption has increased by about 50% while gross domestic product rose 212%, the report shows. Since then, emissions of the six most common pollutants have decreased by 68%. China, on the other hand, can only dream of achieving such a growth-to-pollution ratio.

Concerned about possible escalation of long-seething tensions over certain isles in South China Sea, Southeast Asian officials meeting in Brunei this week are planning to press China to agree to begin talks to draft a new pact aimed at preventing a major military confrontation in one of the busiest waterways in the globe.

Apprehension over North Korea’s recent saber-rattling is also expected to compete for attention over vital economic issues in the annual ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) Summit being held Wednesday and Thursday in Bandar Seri Begawan, capital of Brunei.

The 10-nation ASEAN bloc is under time-pressure to try to develop the significantly culture-differentiated region of 600 million people after the European Union model-community before 2016.

First conceptualized in a 2007 master plan, the work to transform the dynamic region into a singular market-and-production hub has reached about 77 percent completion, according to a draft declaration to be released after the summit. No details as to what remains undone have been given.

A copy of the joint statement obtained by The Associated Press on Monday states the ASEAN leaders’ continuing commitment to ensure the peaceful resolution of South China Sea conflicts within the bounds of international law  and “without resorting to the threat or use of force.”

ASEAN stands to call for “the early adoption of a code of conduct in the South China Sea,” referring to a legally-binding agreement it would like to forge with China to replace a 2002 nonaggression accord that has failed to stop territorial conflicts.

China, Taiwan and ASEAN members Malaysia, Brunei, Vietnam and the Philippines have overlapping territorial claims across the South China Sea, which Beijing claims in its entirety. Vietnam and the Philippines, for instance, have been constantly playing cat-and-mouse with China over the region in recent years, with diplomatic squabbles exploding over gas and oil exploration and fishing rights.

A tense standoff last year between Chinese and Filipino naval ships over the resource-rich Scarborough Shoal has remained unsettled.

The Philippine vessels withdrew; but China has adamantly declined from pulling out its three surveillance ships and removing a rope stopping Filipino fishermen from venturing into a Scarborough lagoon.

The Philippines, early this year, protested against China’s extensive territorial claims before an arbitration tribunal of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in a bold legal action that China has all but ignored. The tribunal is still hoping to appoint three more of five arbiters by Thursday, then begin investigating the complaint whether it has jurisdiction.

A pre-summit conference of ASEAN foreign ministers in Brunei two weeks ago generally revolved around concerns over the territorial disputes and concluded with a demand for an early completion of a nonaggression pact with China, Philippine Foreign Secretary Albert del Rosario stated.

Chinese officials, however, have not specifically signified when they would decide to meet for discussions on the proposed accord.

ASEAN unity has been endangered by the territorial issue. Cambodia, an all of China, rejected moves to have the issue inserted in a post-ministerial statement during last year’s summit. Vietnam and the Philippines protested the snub and the ASEAN summit concluded without issuing an after-conference communique, a first in the bloc’s 45-year existence.

China has vigorously refused to bring the issues to the international forum, opting to deal with each of its rivals on a one-on-one basis. It has also warned U.S. not to intervene in the regional disputes.

Founded in 1967 as a front against communism in the Cold War era, ASEAN has often been caught in the crossfire of major conflicts. As it is, the bloc walks an unsteady tightrope between a growing China and a powerful America that is reasserting its status in Asia-Pacific.

The two giants wield tremendous influence over the developing, small ASEAN nations, whose region has become a battleground for political and security control and export markets as it contains one of the world’s busiest sea lanes.

National Defense Forces from all of members of ASEAN, together with eight other countries that include the United States and China, will conduct, for the first time, three-day disaster preparedness drills in Brunei come June to promote confidence among the multinational troops, the draft summit statement also mentioned.

Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah, Brunei’s media-shy leader, has initiated the tedious ground-work to prevent any major fisaco in the ASEAN summits his tiny but oil-rich kingdom is hosting this year.

Bolkiah has separately met with US President Barack Obama and Chinese leader Xi Jinping prior to this week’s summit. Last week, he flew to Manila, to discuss part of the summit agenda with Philippine President Benigno Aquino III.

When his gleaming Royal Brunei Air plane taxied to a red-carpet welcome in Manila, Philippine officials were surprised to see Bolkiah, who also commands Brunei’s defense forces, at the pilot’s seat.

Jakarta is poised to become a “new Manhattan” according to an ambitious city plan described by Tomy Winata, founder of Artha Graha Group founder, during to an interview with cable TV broadcaster CNBC aired last weekend.

Danayasa Arthatama, a subsidiary of Winata’s company, closed a deal with US firm MGM Hospitality to construct a $2 billion, 638-meter tower — Indonesia’s tallest building in the future — within Sudirman Central Business District, South Jakarta.

Dubbed Signature Tower, the building will claim the world’s fifth-tallest building tag with its 111 stories, dwarfing Kuala Lumpur’s Petronas Towers as the tallest building in Southeast Asia. Based on the ompanies’ program, it will house 70 floors of office space, a six-star luxury hotel and will include conference facilities.

Tomy, 54, told CNBC that the project will anounce to the world that “Jakarta … is not a big village. Jakarta is becoming a new Manhattan.”

Meantime, on his proposed $15 billion Sunda Strait bridge project, the native of West Kalimantan declared, “I haven’t got the rights to do the project.”

Former Finance Minister Agus Martowardojo hesitated to grant the central government support to Artha Graha’s plan as well as the Banten Lampung provincial governments to build a 29-kilometer bridege connecting Sumatra and Java.

Nevertheless, Tomy Winata feels confident the project will push through in the end. “If one day the government gives the opportunity to us, the project financing will come from the private sector, without any guarantee from the government,” he told CNBC.

The government’s public-private partnership program requires state guarantees, considering the major investment risks involved. Agus, who will soon assume as Bank of Indonesia governor next month, has declared that he wanted to avoid a recurrence of the fiasco over the Jakarta monorail project.

 

 

Lately, the stock market has weakened with commodities been getting crushed.

Is the global economy slowing down hard? Maybe.

Recent U.S. economic data especially in housing has been disappointing.

And growth in China, a global growth engine, has slowed as it continues to crack down on corruption, property prices, and shadow banking. Its plan to shift its economy from exports to domestic-demand-powered growth has also added to the lower growth rate.

In Germany, Europe’s so-called strong-arm, economic hopes fall.

Let us briefly consider some salient data arising around the globe:

 

The U.S.

Housing, considered a huge source part of the economic recovery, is also showing signs of faltering. Building permits are decreasing and so is homebuilder confidence while foreclosure procedures are up and capacity limitations among mortgage lenders are also affecting the initial rebound.

America’s manufacturing rebirth also seems off-target. The Empire Fed manufacturing survey went down to 3.05 in April, below expectations. Today, we saw the April Philly Fed fall to 1.3, with the unemployment sub-index going down to -6.8.

In March, retail sales suddenly fell 0.4%. Nomura explained that the decreasing trends in sales in the last two months meant that “consumer adjustment to lower disposable income at the start of the year has begun.” Consumer confidence also missed the mark, falling to 72.3 in April, from 78.6 in March.

Reports regarding employment showed that only 88,000 new jobs were created in March, way below the expected 190,000 goal. The unemployment rate fell to 7.6% only because of a slow down in the rate of labor-force participation.

Topping this somber picture is the sequester, which has just started to move.

 

China

Chinese GDP fell down to 7.7% in Q1, missing the 8% growth target. Industrial production, manufacturing (as represented through PMI) and exports, likewise, did not make the grade.

The government’s campaign against corruption through ‘gift giving’ has affected retail sales, especially in the catering industry.

Latest surveys also indicated that home prices in China went up in 68 of 70 cities. Top-ranking cities posted a huge rise in home prices. Policymakers will most likely maintain the stringent measures to control the rise in property prices and shadow-banking.

Final assessment: The three major economic regions show clear signs of instability.

 

Europe

Germany showed some positive signs; but economic sentiment fell down to 42.

In the United Kingdom, joblessness increased by 70,000 to 2.56 million from December through February. Unemployment rate increased to 7.9%. Moreover, retail sales, including fuels, fell 0.7% within March, and 0.5% within the year. And next week’s GDP data will show if the U.K. has entered a triple-dip recession.

10 Years After: Britain Today

http://www.economist.com/blogs/blighty/2013/03/iraq-war?zid=309&ah=80dcf288b8561b012f603b9fd9577f0e

ON MARCH 20th 2003 Britons woke to footage of fireballs over Baghdad. The first cruise missiles, launched from American ships in the Persian Gulf, had hit the city some five hours before. Tony Blair, the prime minister, addressed the nation:


“The threat to Britain today is not that of my father’s generation. War between the big powers is unlikely. Europe is at peace. The Cold War already a memory. But this new world faces a new threat: of  disorder and chaos born either of brutal states like Iraq, armed with weapons of mass destruction, or of extreme terrorist groups. Both hate our way of life, our freedom, our democracy.”

The comments deliberately echoed Mr Blair’s speech in Chicago in 1999 in which the prime minister, flush with success in Kosovo, had outlined his doctrine:

“We are all internationalists now, whether we like it or not. We cannot refuse to participate in global markets if we want to prosper. We cannot ignore new political ideas in other counties if we want to innovate. We cannot turn our backs on conflicts and the violation of human rights within other countries if we want still to be secure.”

The ensuing chaos overshadows the idealism of that 1999-2003 era: thousands of Iraqis dead, 179 British service personnel killed, £9 billion spent. Ten years on, the country is now free—an elegant, circular parliament, designed by London-based architects, will soon rise from the rubble of the al-Muhanna airport—but it remains violent and divided. The number of Iraqis living in Britain has jumped from 32,000 in 2001 to some 250,000 today (according to the British Iraqi Association)—a measure of the mass emigration provoked by the war. Baghdad has decamped to Wood Green, Finsbury Park and Ealing.

The experience has shocked Britons, turning a once gung-ho nation against intervention.According to YouGov, the proportion backing the war has slipped from 53% to 27% since 2003. The new majority is hardening: a recent ICM poll showed that more Britons think that “military interventions solve little, create enemies and generally do more harm than good” than reckon that “through its armed forces, Britain generally acts as a force for good in the world.”

Now, despite the horrors of Syria’s civil war, 66% of Britons oppose military action to overthrow Bashar al-Assad (compared to 39% opposed to intervention in Iraq in 2003). 60% even oppose military deployment purely tasked with protecting civilians. Britons are now distinctly isolationist by comparison with their European neighbours: YouGov shows that 10% fully back intervention in Syria (compared with 27% of Germans, 29% of French people and 30% of Swedes) and 24% completely oppose it (compared with 16% of Germans, 11% of French people and 8% of Swedes).

More than that, the traumas of Iraq have banished foreign policy from the public square. Searching “British foreign policy” or “Foreign Office” on the monitor Google Trends shows a steady decline in online references to the terms since the mid-2000s. Today, in 2013, the Foreign Office is discussed roughly half as frequently as it was in 2007 and a quarter as frequently as in 2005. At the foreign secretary’s speech at the 2012 Conservative Party conference—the party’s first since the fall of the Qaddafi regime, no less—your correspondent looked out on a half-empty conference hall. Relative to the early 2000s, few commentators (with notable exceptions, such as Jonathan Freedland, David Clark and Philip Collins) talk much about foreign policy. The economic slowdown has understandably distracted attentions. And, though active on the world stage, David Cameron has a temperamentally Conservative aversion to big ideas, let alone anything so grand as a doctrine.

And yet… Britain remains one of the major democratic military powers. Though coloured by subsequent events in Iraq, Mr Blair’s speech in Chicago is still salient. In a globalising world in which events in “far-away countries of which we know little” can so easily impinge on life at home, a near-silence on foreign policy is inadvisable. Leaders need popular, a priori doctrines in order to stimulate discussion and build principled mandates for action on long-term, unpredictable challenges. Academic debates on failed states, Iranian, Syrian and North Korean belligerence, China’s rise and Britain’s nuclear deterrent all nod to “unknown unknowns”, for example. The Arab Spring in particular exemplifies the sudden geopolitical shudders released by new ideas and technologies.

So it is surely time for a new Chicago speech—one for an age of Arab rebels with YouTube accounts, of drone warfare, of ever-mightier BRICs. David Cameron’s comments on Mali in January—committing British forces to the region in the name of domestic security—were an eloquent first step. Douglas Alexander, the Labour shadow foreign secretary, is also thinking afresh about the country’s place in the world: “while the experience of Iraq should inform our foreign policy, it shouldn’t paralyse it,” he rightly notes.

http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/139066/omar-encarnacion/the-catholic-crisis-in-latin-america

When the conclave of Cardinals met in Rome this month to elect Pope Benedict XVI’s successor, few predicted that Jorge Mario Bergoglio of Argentina would emerge victorious. However, the fact that a Latin American Cardinal would rise to the throne of St. Peter took almost no one by surprise. Latin America is home to nearly half of the world’s 1.2 billion Catholics, but there had never been a Latin American pope. Further, the Vatican had been anxious about the dramatic decline of Catholicism across the region in the last decade. Mexican journalist Diego Cevallos, a seasoned observer of religious life in Latin America, had aptly captured the sentiment in 2004 when he noted that, although the Vatican had once seen the area as a “continent of hope,” it now thought of it as a “continent of concern.”

The picture in Brazil and Mexico, the world’s two largest Catholic nations, tells a thousand words. According to Brazil’s 2010 census, 65 percent of the population is Catholic, down from over 90 percent in 1970. Similarly, between 2000 and 2010, the percentage of Mexicans that identify as Catholic dropped from 88 to less than 83 — the largest fall recorded to date. If these trends persist, by 2025 about 50 percent of all Latin Americans will be Catholic, down from approximately 70 percent today. Such a decline would offset any gains the church might make in its new continent of hope, Africa

Nolan

Nolan is a great enthusiast of international relations, rooting from his extensive exposure in global journalism. He believes that instead of the limited context, and sometimes just plain hostile views, presented by the popular news providers, it is more important to understand the underlying management issues by knowing the whole story or presenting both sides of the story.
Everything written on this site (reports, opinions, analysis and all) is from Nolan and shows how he perceives the world situation these days. Pertinent and timely issues range from environment, politics, economy and pretty much everything that has to do with diplomatic relations.